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Les Érudits Maudits:
Education and Class
Part One: Humanities Education Today
For liberals, one of the goals of
education is to make upward mobility possible, and upward mobility is
usually though of as somehow egalitarian. There are two problems with this
way of thinking.
First, while all egalitarians and
populists initially agree that the lower classes (however they might be
named) should have the same opportunities as the upper classes, every
individual wants their own children to have only the best. Neither the old
middle class nor the newly-arrived upward-mobile middle class is willing
to take the chance that their children might end up spending their lives
as truck drivers or as fast food workers.
Second, all schemes for upward
mobility through education implicitly recognize that some will be left
behind. Some of the children of truck drivers will drive trucks too. If
the whole working class at any given time were raised up into the middle
class, someone else would have to do the working-class work that still
needed to be done. (The academic grading function exists for the primary
purpose of separating the sheep and the goats, sending some students into
the upper class while other fall into the working class).
Liberal egalitarianism is thus
pretty fragile. It’s less coherent than either socialist egalitarianism or
free-market social Darwinism. The former holds that all work is of value,
and that all workers deserve good lives. The latter believes that
mobility rewards the talented and hard-working, and punishes the others.
(Both of these, however, also conflict with the aforementioned natural
tendency of all parents to favor their children, which almost always
overrides formal principles and ideology. Just like anyone else,
socialists and free-marketers want to catch their children when they fall,
pulling whatever strings are necessary -- egalitarianism be damned, and
the free market too.)
Academics in the liberal arts, and
especially the humanities, often have a very strong commitment to upward
mobility through education, but the realities of education today put
several obstacles in the way of effectively fulfilling this commitment. In
the first place, higher education has become increasingly expensive over
the last several decades, thus effectively pricing out many talented
students. Second, higher degrees in the humanities are not necessarily a
good way to raise one’s class status: many PhD’s end up as poorly-paid
adjuncts, or leave the profession entirely to retrain in something else or
to become heavily-indebted taxi drivers. (You can’t declare bankruptcy on
student loans, and when you retire, money will be deducted from your
social security check.) And third, many academics (including some of the
upward-mobile ones) are a little too comfortable with the elite status
that they have attained.
Part Two: I Begin to
Grind my Axe
A lot has been written about the
poor career prospects for new PhD’s, especially in English and history,
and what I’ve written above provides some context for this. My own angle
is different, however. I believe that when writing in the humanities came
to be defined as productive work, or as the scientific production of
truth, its nature became falsified. Philosophy, history, and literature
are not specialized sciences with specific objects, but three different
ways of dealing with reality at its highest level of inclusiveness and
generality. And because of this inclusiveness and ambitious scope, they
cannot have the rigor and exactness that science do, and should not try to
do so. The institutionalization of the humanities in the university as a
form of work has led to a strangling methodologism (mimicking science)
which spoils all the fun. And since humanities education is to some
degree in crisis today, for reasons largely unrelated to my main point, I
now am opportunistically presenting my alternative model.
Historically culture-producers
were monks, gentlemen of leisure, military aristocrats, lackeys and
retainers of the aristocracy and the church, and déclassé riffraff. Only
in the nineteenth century did scholarship come to be defined as a job at a
university, and even during that century most professors were ill-paid and
dependent on family money. During the twentieth century professors
gradually came to earn a middle-class income for the work they did and to
take their place in the middle class.
What goes on a university?
Professors publish research and teach -- but many professors don’t teach
much, and after tenure has been attained, some don’t publish much either.
The usually do supervise graduate students (the scholars of the future).
The graduate students study, help with the professors’ research, do their
own research, and teach undergraduates. The undergraduates party a lot and
sometimes study.
What are the purposes of the
university? The production of scholarship, science, and technical
innovation; general cultural education; education in citizenship; job
training; entertainment; and the ratification of class status. Tenured
professors are the meritocratic elite, and theoretically the
undergraduates are trying to move themselves up the ladder. (Just by
graduating at all, they will attain middle class status, as can be seen in
Appendix One).
Who supports the university?
Financially: taxpayers, parents, students, and charitable donors and
foundations. With unpaid or underpaid labor, graduate students (many of
whom never benefit materially from their educations) and adjuncts. Is
there a clear match between the universities' goals and their funding? Not
at all. Many years ago a friend of mine, after spending some time
researching “the purpose of education”, decided that education is an
institution, like marriage, and that one way you know that something is an
institution is that you don’t have to give reasons for what it does.
Getting a college degree, like getting married, is "what people do".
Because the academic humanities
have become socially authoritative to a degree, and because college
teaching has become a desirable middle class job (with the requisite need
to supervise workers and justify hiring and promotion), and also
because the cultural context of our time is defined by science and
engineering, it has become necessary to define history, literary study,
and philosophy as responsible sorts of productive work with reliable
methodologies of producing truth. In this context even the dissident and
eclectic tendencies have had to methodologize, and paradigms are imposed
everywhere. My thesis is that this not only takes all the fun out of the
humanities, but also reduces their critical force and closes off their
essential openendedness. In fact, we now have a kind of scholasticism,
with no necessary connection to any actuality -- a scholasticism often
produced by technical operatives who neither know nor care what it is that
they’re actually doing, and who live their own lives by principles
entirely disconnected from the things that they are paid to study.
Part Three: The Axe is
Ground
My thesis is that today there is
an increasingly bad fit between the scholar’s social role, his job, and
his scholarly work, and that what suffers most is the scholarly work. On
the one hand, the younger generation of scholars is not being well
supported -- and the older generation might well not be replaced when they
retire. And on the other hand -- in my opinion at least -- the rigid
methodologization, bureaucratization, and paradigm-enforcement in the
humanities, which is a function of the job-organization of scholarship on
a hierarchical, positivist, production model, reduces the quality of the
scholarly output while simultaneously driving people from the field and
reducing the satisfaction which those who remain are able to take in their
work.
So maybe scholarship and
philosophical writing, or some of it, should be done outside the
university system, by people who are not professionals or teachers. (As
I’ve said, the identification of scholarship and science with the
university is only a century or two old.) The options of becoming a monk,
a landed gentleman, or an aristocratic military officer are no longer with
us – progress and creative destruction have taken care of that. But we
still can be déclassé or maudit on the bohemian model, or
work as amateurs while making our livings otherwise, like Spinoza grinding
lenses. (Vestiges of the bohemian tradition still remain among poets and
novelists, so all that is required is the for this model to be extended to
nonfiction writing about history, philosophy, and literature.)
In practice, what would this class
redefinition entail?
To begin with, no one would be
expected to renounce success right off at the beginning. A research
scholar at a major university is like a god in heaven, and everyone who
thinks he has a chance at that will still try for it. On the other hand,
most humanities PhD’s can’t expect that, and often can’t expect much of
anything either, and I would expect to see fewer and fewer people willing
to go heavily into debt for the privilege of joining the taxi squad of
adjuncts and lecturers.
Especially at the beginning, there
will always be resistance to the work of unaccredited scholars without
official positions. As time goes on, and as established scholars begin to
see their specialties dwindling along with the university itself, I would
expect to see more acceptance of the amateurs and érudits maudits.
Defenders of their class position will argue that amateurs are always
sloppy and inept, but this is not always true, and I think that there’s a
strong counter-argument to this one, if you look at the scholastic
strangulation inherent in much heavily-methodologized contemporary work.
At the present time, prospective
scholars aim simultaneously for a certain class status and a certain kind
of work. In the scheme I’m proposing, some who of those who do not gain
the class status will continue to do the work. (I might also say that it's
already true that some who do gain the class status cease to do the work,
and just use their positions to finance their other activities more
rewarding to them.)
Forced to choose, most
less-successful humanists will probably decide to attain middle-class
status through some other kind of work, and forget about scholarship. In
some cases this will be because scholarship has been so ruined for
them by the hierarchical form of industrial organization presently in
place that they would never think of doing it on their own time In other
cases, those who are still in touch with the bohemian-aristocratic joys of
study will still be uncertain about the monkish sacrifices
involved in doing unfunded work (i.e., working entirely for the intrinsic
rewards, with no extrinsic reward). Furthermore, the audience for
scholarly nonfiction is pretty small, since many readers have been turned
off by bad experiences at school or by exposure to jargon-laden writing
never intended to be read by anyone. And finally, many who are kicked off
the gravy train end up believing at some deep level that their work really
is not, and never will be, good enough. (And there will be no shortage of
tenured apparatchiks to encourage them in this belief).
So only the few and the proud will
be interested in my érudit maudit concept. In fact, however, our
society is opulent enough that it is possible to live decently at quite a
low relative economic level. And while certain pleasures and comforts will
need to be sacrificed, the most painful sacrifice will be success itself.
People often talk about “true success”, but nobody really believes that
success is anything but money. Those making the bohemian sacrifice will
have to choose between taking a lot of ribbing and nagging about their
personal failure, and just cutting unsympathetic people out their lives.
Neither option is an appealing one.
My proposal here will probably
eventually be described as a nihilistic, know-nothing attack on
education. The enemies of the university are of many different kinds,
however, and I am the most insignificant of them all. I think that in the
present context is the university's biggest problem is the effect on
future scholarship of the move to a two-tier hiring system, within which
the bulk of the actual work is done by hapless adjuncts and lecturers
while the tenured faculty bask in transient bliss as the great age of the
American university draws to a close. What I offer is a partial solution.
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Appendix I: Education as
class itself
A recent discussion at
Crooked Timber cites the following passage:
| “Bartels's definition of the
white working class--white voters whose incomes put them in the
lower-third of the household income distribution--is quite different
from the prevailing definition of the white working class.
In a broad version of the
prevailing definition, the white working class consists of white
voters whose education has stopped short of a four-year college
degree.” (Link). |
Here, middle-class status is defined
entirely by education: a college-graduate waiter making $25,000 a
year is middle class, whereas a two-year degree technical worker earning
$60,000 a year is working class. (The working class median income is
reported as $44,000 a year, which means that many workers must be earning
considerable more than that.)
While I think that this definition of
class does point to a reality of American life and gives insight into the
its cleavages, there’s something very peculiar about it -- we seem to have
ended up with a “declining bourgeois” sector comparable to the
impoverished aristocrats of the early capitalist age. But the definition
fits my argument perfectly.
Appendix II: the freedom of early science
Steve Shapin’s A Social History
of Truth, (Chicago, 1994) describes the gentlemanly, aristocratic
organization of early modern science. Formally, the science of those days
was a personal indulgence like fox-hunting, card-playing, ballroom
dancing, and worse – cf. the novels of
Jane Austen. (To be fair, the rise of science was part of a reform
movement within the oafish, decadent aristocracy: see J.H. Hexter, “The
Education of the Aristocracy
in the Renaissance" in Reappraisals in History, London, 1961). The
early scientists were under no external discipline and were responsive
only to the opinions of other scientists whom they personally respected. I
have written about
Descartes, who was self-financed and whose career fits this
description.
Shapin, p. 52: “[F]ew commentators
disagreed that a gentleman was so placed that he might do as he pleased,
or denied that freedom of action was a defining circumstance of the gentle
condition.” As Shapin tells the story, in order to be accepted as a
scientist during the early days, one had to be a free gentleman in this
sense. Working scientists who were employees of the gentleman scientist,
however talented they might be, did not see their names entered onto the
list of heroes of science.
Science seems to have been a lot
more fun during its pioneer days.
Appendix III: Foundation
money
The various foundations could fund
bohemian scholars, but they don't. Foundation money theoretically could be
an alternative to university money, but in fact artistic, scholarly, and
other foundations have been almost completely colonized by the
universities, to the point that there are MA and PhD programs specifically
teaching how to write grants or how to run foundations.
There’s really quite a story here,
though I don’t have any details. According to the analysis whereby college
education defines the middle class, the university’s absorption of the
foundations would simply be the ratification of the contemporary class
structure, and the integration of potentially dangerous free money into
the hierarchical system presently in place.
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I am emersonj at gmail dot com.
Original materials copyright John J
Emerson
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